An Open Letter to Haiti’s Sons and Daughters Around the World

Jude Emmanuel
5 min readAug 10, 2021
Burial ceremony of former Haitian President Jovenel Moise. Image courtesy of Politico.

T o begin to understand Haiti’s unremitting socioeconomic insolvency, one needs to look no further than the residual impact of colonial rule. Surely, in many Haitian circles, such consensus has been characterized as an all-too-common crutch, bearing the ineptitudes of a failed state. Yet, delving into Haiti’s archive of oppression, one would be remiss to undermine the longstanding impact of Haiti compelled to pay an insurmountable ransom to its French colonizer to sustain its independence and be recognized as a sovereign nation. The extent to which Haiti’s economy has been crippled by what amounted to compensation over a century, in exchange for a fiscally deprived life sentence, is analogous to illusionary liberty by every measure. The first Black republic, coerced into indemnity to France, totaling billions of dollars if the payments were to be refunded as reparation, followed by decades of political unrest, institutionalized corruption, and a devastating earthquake, have hampered Haiti’s ability to develop essential infrastructure. Equally, the impact of U.S. efforts to preempt Haiti’s independence, providing financial aid to slave owners in Haiti, and later, occupying Haiti for nearly two decades (1915–1934), should not be understated. While each nation has a duty to defend self-interest, the U.S.’ seizure of Haiti’s gold reserve and modifying the constitution of the island republic infringed democratic ideals.

Consequently, Haiti has had to bear its cross following many obstacles, absent of collective grieving. Many of us who embody the Haitian diaspora have had to share this burden as financial custodians of loved ones back home. We’ve wept, lamenting with families in Haiti as though our own flesh had endured suffering, in the name of our “Ayiti Cherie.”

Today, I am aggrieved. It has been my experience that transparent dialogue among us Haitians is seldom met with genuine discourse but rather ad hominem attacks. Thus, I am appealing for sound judgment in considering this purveyance of ideas. Days following President Jovenel Moise’s assassination, deafening silence reverberated within sectors of Haiti, including the diaspora, leaving many to wonder whether the shock of bereavement had desensitized our empathic norms or dehumanized our moral compass. Moreover, shouts of rejoice rang loudly in some circles. Regardless of political differences, the abhorrent killing of President Jovenel was an attack on the office of the presidency, which, more broadly, is representative of Haitian sovereignty. Considering the current political climate in Haiti, I am certain some in opposition to the fallen president’s policies hold grievances that may better inform my perspective. However, we all bleed the colors of our flag. President Jovenel Moise, perhaps, was far too obstinate in his approach. Nevertheless, should we take comfort in senseless violence as the singular catalyst for change?

By no means are Haitians a homogenous group. Still, it is unconscionable to continue demonizing a head of state, whose assassination so heinous, the penalty for his offenses appeared to have condemned him the most wicked leader to have governed the nation. Not with the slightest motive, this editorial is a defense of former President Jovenel Moise’s policies. Rather, to decry the manner in which the office of the presidency underwent a ghastly coup. “Who lives by the sword, will perish by the sword,” a prominent Haitian social media personality affirmed with respect to the president’s assassination, adding that “[President Jovenel] should have relinquished power long ago and not let the country burn down.” When asked whether bad actors behind the uprisings to force President Jovenl to resign should be held accountable for some of Haiti’s lawlessness and lack of progress, the question was met with an eerie silence. It is such biased indifference that has in part contributed to Haiti’s continued demise. There’s certainly space in a democracy for varying voices. However, with regard to the sanctity of our nation, patriotism should transcend partisanship. The scourge of self interest has derailed our social values, held hostage economic development, enslaved our minds, and crush our resolve, as though to eternally propel us on our knees. The blinders over our eyes and muzzles sealing our lips, so demoralizing, some of us have been led to believe it proper that our legs and feet remaining enchained, subservient to our oppressors, would better serve Haiti. It is the sort of defiant ignorance that makes me chuckle when I hear chants of l’union fait la force — the incarnation of Haitian unity.

Haitians have long fought for respect, irrespective of our failure to reach collective progress. Throughout our flawed independence, we have shed blood and tears, sought comfort from a God and gods, still awaiting to be free. While there exists no perfect liberty, we’re tired, Haiti is tired. Former President Michel Martelly, as part of a video tribute to the fallen president, acknowledged, in view of President Jovenel Moise’s death, Haiti has become more resilient, the masses have been enlightened through President Moise’s sacrificial slaying. “Haiti has awakened. We will not lose the battle,” said Martelly, adding that President Jovenel spoke of things uttered behind closed doors and was fearless in confronting challenges since the Haitian revolution. And that, for Haiti to move forward, we must all intersect, as President Jovenel Moise had hoped to accomplish.

Undeniably, President Jovenel Moise’s assassination has turned him from villain to martyr. Revolutions create martyrs. Change invariably demands sacrifice. We’ve bled, prayed, and cried over a solution that will extinguish our despair. The masses have thirsted for equity, for clean water, for their children to receive equal access to health and education and not die of hunger. For employment opportunity that would foster financial autonomy. Heavy hands of oligarchs have been unrelenting in monopolizing systemic oppression. To what end? The assassination of President Jovenel Moise amplified our historical discord. For far too long, Haiti has relied on the generosity of foreign hands. The aesthetic and exotic nature of Haiti fuel the younger Haitian generation in the diaspora, unconversant with poverty in Haiti. It is appropriate to raise our flag, with the understanding that our nationalistic pride should match enthusiasm for social change.

There is a broad consensus among Haitians that we are the least competent in many areas of social functioning and the most divisive among its own. It is certain that class or other social dichotomy are not exclusive to Haitians. A scholar, my profession does not allow for indiscriminate characterization of a populace. I would kindly ask those who inculpate Haitians the worst at everything to provide data that supports such hypothesis. Unequivocally, the legacy of slavery has conditioned Haitians to identify with their oppressor, as have all protectorate of colonizers. While few of us may rise by debasing one another, know this — individual success does not abstain one from the stain of compatriots — nor from which he or she arose.

Although aggrieved at our dearth of comprehension, I am hopeful. Haiti will not fade into obscurity. Our spirit to continue the struggle will not wane. I rejoice, knowing that Haiti has birthed a diverse cohort of citizens, a cavalry of lay men and women, scholars, secular, religious, wealthy, poor, near and far, that will not cease to fight for a renewed journey toward true liberty and growth. This time, not with the tips of bayonets, but rather, with intellect, that will reestablish Haiti as the pearl of the Caribbean.

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Jude Emmanuel

Critical Thinker. Educator. Author. A Feminist and Doctoral Psychology candidate.